Consider the possibility that Gowon has fulfilled his promise. 

Consider the possibility that Gowon has fulfilled his promise. 

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General Yakubu Gowon, who denoted his 87th birthday celebration on Tuesday, October 19, is the main Nigerian ruler to grow old.

General Yakubu Gowon, who denoted his 87th birthday celebration on Tuesday, October 19, is the main Nigerian ruler to grow old.

His two archetypes, Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa-Balewa, was a 54-year old legislator at the highest point of his vocation when he was killed.

Balewa’s replacement, Major-General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi was a youthful general at 42 when upset plotters too cut him down. It was Ironsi’s passing that prepared for Gowon.

With Nigeria having 12 Chiefs of State since Gowon’s ouster in 1975, there is as yet awaiting sensation of what might have been with Gowon’s incomplete progress program.

Gowon’s ascent to control was an exemplary instance of destiny on the job.

After the killings of numerous senior officials on January 15, 1966, upset, Gowon was the solitary most senior official from Northern Nigeria who endure.

He was a swank Lieutenant Colonel of 32; an unmarried male who had to endure being killed by sheer karma. There were just two senior officials left who were better than Gowon.

One was Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, whom Ironsi named his Deputy as the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters.

The subsequent one was Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo, who was an awkward outcast in the United Kingdom and was with no order arrangement.

Ironsi then, at that point, made Gowon his Chief of Army Staff, the post prior held by Adebayo.

There were three different people in the force heavenly body. Commodore Akinwale Wey, developed, experienced, and unemotional, was the authority of the youngster Nigerian Navy.

The Inspector-General of Police acquired from the expelled Balewa Regime was Louis Edet, who was likewise a piece of the force structure.

Ironsi then, at that point, designated youthful Lieutenant Colonel’s as the tactical lead representatives to deal with the locales.

The four were David Ejoor, Mid-West; Emeka Ojukwu, East; Adekunle Fajuyi, West and Hassan Usman Katsina, North.

Ironsi realized they were youthful and unpracticed, thusly he designated the previous lead representatives who served the last regular citizen premiers, as their extraordinary counselors.

Ironsi then, at that point, concluded that Nigeria must be controlled as one unit rather than an alliance.

Nigeria was governed as one unitary bequest from the hour of the combination in 1914 until the pioneer system presented the Federal Constitution in 1954.

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Many top legislators, including Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, had favored Nigeria to stay a unitary state, yet the larger part, particularly those from the North and the West, needed Federalism.

With the upset of January 1966, numerous Nigerians were currently clamoring for a re-visitation of a more grounded focus to check “tribalism, regionalism, and sectionalism.”

Ironsi paid attention to them to his condemnation.

At the point when Ironsi abrogated the areas and supplanted them with a gathering of regions, the response was muted. Very few individuals were applauding.

The legislators, particularly those from the North, perceived it to mean an instrument to add the control of Ironsi’s kin from Eastern Nigeria who was at that point truly apparent in the public help.

There was likewise the social affair storm in the sleeping enclosure over what the fighters called the “unbalanced killings” of military officials during the January overthrow.

Indeed, even in killings, Nigerians favor government character! These were the two issues that prompted the ouster of Ironsi and his death.

At the point when Gowon came to control, he took in his illustrations from Ironsi’s stumbles.


Gowon’s residency was any way to demonstrate wilder and more bloody. Two issues were to overwhelm Gowon’s nine-year rule.

One was the Civil War wherein an expected 1,000,000 individuals kicked the bucket. The second was his eventually pointless re-visitation of the common standard program.

I accept the Civil War was not inescapable, but rather was impelled to occur by the battle for individual force, individual eminence, and individual covetousness.

I might want to harp favoring Gowon’s disastrous re-visitation of the common principle program.

Before the Civil War interceded, Gowon and his group had imagined that most recently by 1970, the military would get back to the garrison huts.

Then, at that point, the Civil War occurred. After the conflict, Gowon vowed to return the country to vote-based guidelines by October 1, 1976. At that point, he would have been in power for quite a long time.

In any case, on October 1, 1974, during his Independence Day broadcast, Gowon declared that “1976 is unreasonable.” His reasons: “the government officials have not taken in their illustrations.”

However Gowon came to control as a fighter, he really governed as an evident leftist Federalism.

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The 12 State Governors were additionally individuals from the Supreme Military Council (SMC).

At the Aburi Peace Meeting in Ghana, Ojukwu had demanded that Gowon drop the title of Supreme Commander for that of the less scary title of Commander-in-Chief.

In this manner, when there were elevated fomentations for the expulsion of the lead representatives, it was absolutely impossible for Gowon to move against them since it would require a choice of the SMC where the lead representatives were prevailing.

There were open grumblings in the garrison huts when Gowon said he would presently don’t give up power in 1976.

He didn’t declare another date. He had clearly fallen affected by individual African pioneers like General Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo, who accept that force is a long-lasting vocation.

Some youthful officials, driven by any semblance of Colonel Joe Garba, Lt. Colonel Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, and Colonel Ibrahim Taiwo, chose to organize an upset against Gowon.

The upset that brought down Gowon was a bloodless one, the first in Nigerian history. He was only 41 and a full broad.

The conflict administrators, driven by Brigadier Murtala Muhammed, came to control. In the new magistrate were likewise Brigadier Olusegun Obasanjo and Brigadier Yakubu Danjuma.

Murtala Muhammed drove the system in its initial days to accomplish things that many ideas were incomprehensible.

He reported the formation of another National Capital in a virgin land called Abuja.

He made more states and the 12 states structure became 19, upsetting the harmony between the North and the South that had existed since Nigeria turned into an alliance in 1954.

Presently the North had 10 states toward the South 9. Over the long haul, regardless of the energies and dramatizations of that period of “with quick impact,” Muhammed system was to demonstrate more problematic.

In the event that Gowon had regarded his promise to give up in 1976, for the most part, possible the direction of Nigerian history would have followed an alternate way. He would have given over a government construction of just 12 states.

On the off chance that that vote-based experience had suffered, Nigeria would in any case be an organization of just 12 states today.

It has been demonstrated starting around 1999 that the regular citizen system is essentially unequipped for making new states.

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It can just make clamor about the formation of states. We have been hearing the commotion beginning around 1999.

Individuals fault warriors for the expansion of states, however the historical backdrop of state creation shows that it is really the government officials who are liable for the assortment of states.

They asked, coaxed, coerced, paid off, and deceived guarantee that new states were made. Here we are currently with weak 36 states and Leviathan Federal Government!

Gowon’s administration of Nigeria is priceless and long-lasting.

He was an astute and calm ruler, who, regardless of his tactical foundation, radiates the emanation of a conceived leftist.

We anticipate his diary to know reality with regards to what truly prompted his reneging about giving overpower in 1976.

That choice had direct ramifications on the expansion of states.

Presently the old Western State, with one lead representative and one bureau, presently has five states: Ekiti, Osun, Oyo, Ondo, and the Ogun States.

The old North Eastern State is presently isolated into Yobe, Borno, Bauchi, Gombe, Adamawa, and Taraba.

The old East Central State is presently isolated into Anambra, Imo, Enugu, Ebonyi, and Abia. Such duplication has influenced any remaining conditions of the Gowon period, with the exception of Lagos, which has stayed one state starting around 1967.

The time has come to consider the chance of consolidation of states.

We need to reproduce that period when states were legitimate and feasible political and monetary elements, which can get by with no bailout from Abuja.

Consolidation of states is a superior course to the future as opposed to amassing obligations in the interest of our grandkids.

That is the choice that is paired with the call of Go On With One Nigeria that overwhelmed my juvenile years.

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